How Thomas Tobbo Eyoum plotted the fall of John Epee Mandengue

Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP, was the friend of Mr Quang. He knew that, Mr Quang had the support of His Royal Highness Chief William Manga Mbile Ferguson, the traditional head of Victoria(Limbe) and the Bakweri ethnic group of the city. This support was important because, even though the government is in agreement or is in contact in all parts of Cameroon with traditional leaders/rulers, in Anglophone Cameroon, traditional leaders/ruler have much more influence. Hence, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé did make sure to have them as allies and not adversaries. Mindful of all the elements that played in favour of Henry Njalla Quang, who was by this time, the new Managing Director of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), Mr. Thomas decided to contact Mr Quang in order to complain about John Epee Mandengue. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum presented his case against Mr Mandengue to Henry Njalla Quang in an astute manner.

He presented his case against Mr Mandengue as a political threat not to him (Thomas) but more to Henry Njalla Quang. Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, his friend (Henry) also desired the post of Prime minister, which was occupied then by Peter Mafany Musonge. But Henry never knew what to do or how to counter the speculative political threats allegedly posed to his ambitions by John Epee Mandengue, especially that, he was not based in the South west province. But Thomas nonetheless convinced him to suspend all insurance contracts that, John’s company Broking Services International had with CDC. When the news of the breach of contract linking CDC to Broking Service International reached John Epee Mandengue, he (John) immediately rang his cousin who was Prime minister. But he was soon discovering to his chagrin that, his cousin although a Prime minister, could not do anything to help him. Why? For Henry Njalla Quang, even though welding no political power, he was nevertheless appointed by the President of the Republic and a Prime minister had little or no influence on him or any other person directly appointed by the President of the Republic.

In Cameroon, all strategic companies such as the CDC have at their heads only managers who are appointed personally by the head of state and answerable to him directly. The lost of the contract that Broking Services International had with CDC was also the beginning of the end of John Epee Mandengue’s experimental return to Cameroon. John Epee Mandengue decided to go back to his native Nigeria after it became evident to him that, the centre could no longer hold because things had fallen apart, but he never wanted to go without fighting. He decided to file a court case against CDC for breach of contract, but it was a loosing battle, for Njalla Quang, fearing repercussion of what he has done and the eventual reaction of the Prime minister Peter Mafany Musonge, he (Quang) decided to send a distress call to his political ally Chief Inoni Ephraim, who was at the time deputy secretary General at the presidency of the Republic. Mr Ephraim assured his friend (Quang) of his support.

Allies of Henry Njalla Quang

The ruling party and government officials began assessing how useful he (Henry Njalla Quang) could be. Some within the government even wanted him to be appointed Prime minister. While Mr Quang had a lot of potentials, some government elites nonetheless resolved to propose for the post of prime minister, the name Peter Mafany Musonge. And in 1996, Mr Musonge, General Manager of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC) was appointed Prime minister. It was a political battle fought between the Bakweris of Victoria-Limbe against those of Buea. The latter won because of reasons I had already mentioned and also because, even though Mr Quang is a native of Victoria-Limbe, his ancestry on his paternal side posed a problem to a government that, had earlier ignited the flame of tribal and ethnic xenophobia, in a bid to win and secure power in Cameroon in general and Anglophone Cameroon in particular. Even though Henry Njalla Quang had lost out to Musonge, he was later on appointed General Manager of CDC. Mr Quang also had his political allies within the ruling party in Anglophone Cameroon and also in Francophone Cameroon, but they weren’t as strong as those of Mr Musonge. Top amongst them were Chief Inoni Ephraim, who had respectively held the post of Secretary General at the ministry of Finance and the first deputy Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic and is currently Prime minister.

His other allies were: late Moussa Tchouta Mbatam, former ruling party MP of the Nde division in the West province and former Director General of the National Ports Authority of Cameroon, with headquarters in Douala and Thomas Tobbo Eyoum MP who was the former lord mayor of the Greater Douala city council. Henry Njalla Quang who became the darling of the ruling party, the presidency of the Republic and members of government seemed to have achieved a lot , but his promotions and potentials was notwithstanding short or not enough to meet or fulfil his aspirations for the post of Prime minister. He may have thought that, his activism in sports and also the fact that, he resisted the onslaughts of Mrs Victoria Tomedi Ndando MP and John Ebai Tang MP, who were both hyperactive members of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF) and the second doubling as mayor of Victoria-Limbe, made him a suitable candidate for the post of prime minister . But as already mentioned, he lost and perhaps he will be appointed Prime minister during the next appointment in 2011. While Mr Quang was struggling to be appointed prime minister, his friend (Thomas) was squaring off with another political animal called John Epee Mandengue. In that battle, blood was bound to flow, for Thomas Tobbo Eyoum knew that, if he doesn’t destroy John Epee Mandengue, he (Thomas) will be the one to be destroyed politically.

Brief Bio of Cameroon's Prime minister: Chief Inoni Ephraim

Mr Inoni Ephraim was appointed to the honorary, but nonetheless, prestigious post of Prime minister, on the 4th of December 2004. The post of Prime minister, is one those flashy posts of responsibility, that in Cameroon, the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, earmarks for Anglophone Cameroonians, who it must be stressed, can never be nominated to head any strategic posts in the country. Some strategic posts of responsibilities barred to Anglophone Cameroonians, are: Defence, Finance and Territorial administration (Home affairs) ministries. Before his appointment in 2004, it was rumoured in 1996 that, he was slated to replace Prime Minister Simon Achidi Achu MP, another Anglophone, who was from the North West province and who to forego his post, because of reasons earlier mentioned. Mr Inoni also doubles as the traditional head of the village of Idenao, located in West coast. West coast is a region and also an electoral constituency, that is not far from the post city of Victoria. Chief Inoni Ephraim was born on the 16th of August 1947 in Victoria, South west province. He is a graduate of Saint Paul College, Bonjongo, Buea and Regina Pacis College of Mutengene. Both secondary schools are located in the South West province. After his secondary education, he furthered his studies at the Ecole Nationale d’administration et de la Magistrature (ENAM) in Yaoundé and graduated in 1977.

He has held several top responsibilities within the civil service of his country. He has worked as Chief Accountant at the provincial Treasury in Bamenda, provincial capital of the North West province (1979-81). From Bamenda, he was appointed as the deputy Inspector general of Treasury of the Littoral province, with headquarters in Douala, the provincial capital. In Douala, he became the municipal Treasurer, a post he held from 1981-82. From Douala, he was appointed Treasurer of the Cameroons Embassy in Washington DC (1982-84). In the United States, he registered for a Masters Degree course at the Southern Eastern University, where he graduated with an MBA in Public Administration. Until his appointment as Prime minister in 2004, he held the posts of first deputy secretary general at the Presidency of the Republic1994-97. Prior to working at the presidency, he was, Director of sales at the ministry of Finance in 1984-88. He is also member of the Board of Directors of the formerly state owned utility: SONEL now called AESSONEL, since it was privatised. He was also member of the board of directors of the now liquidated Cameroon Bank. He is currently the chair of the Board of Directors of Standard Chartered Bank, Cameroon. Prime Minister Inoni Ephraim is a practising Christian and precisely member of the Cameroon Anglican Church. He attends service every Sunday. He is married and father of four Children. His wife’s name is Lydia Nalova Litumbe. She holds a Bachelors of Science[1].

[1] Pages B-107 , Cameroun- les Hommes de pouvoir, Indigo publications, Paris, France, June 2001.

Battle for the Post of Prime minister amongst Anglophone Cameroonians

Elites of the South West province, who were showing extravagant interest in the battle that, the ruling majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, was carrying out against the North West province or its elites; were: Professor Peter Agbor Tabi, former minister Higher Education and currently Pro-Chancellor of the University of Buea. Mr Tabi is a native of Mamfe, headquarters of Manyu division. The others were: Namata Ewanga Ebenezer MP from Kumba West electoral constituency, Henry Njalla Quang, Director General of CDC, who was/is from Victoria and Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma, who was the former Vice Chancellor of the University of Buea. It must be recalled that, The University of Buea, is the only full-fledged state owned Anglophone University in Cameroon. Dr Mrs Dorothy Nujeuma is a native of Buea. There was also from Mamfe, another expectant figure, who was waiting to feast on the spoil of the battle, pitting the Francophone ruling elites in Yaoundé against a section of elites from the North West province. The expectant figure was Peter Oben Ashu, the controversial and astonishingly ethno-xenophobic, former governor of the South West province. Why did the majority French-speaking ruling elites in Yaoundé, fall out with their Anglophone pals from the North West province?

It was simply because; the latter were now leading the opposition, to the designs of the seemingly eternal rule of Paul Biya’s regime and also carrying out a thinly veiled battle against the perpetual political hegemony of French-speaking Cameroonians. However, out of all those South west elites latter mentioned who were and are still members of the ruling CPDM party, only three singled themselves out and thus were serious pretenders to any prestigious posts in Cameroon that were reserved to Anglophones. Top amongst them was the extraordinary, Henry Njalla Quang. Why? It was simply because; he was the chair of local football club called Electricity Sport Football Club or Elect Sports FC of Victoria (Limbe). This club was formerly chaired by lawyer Innocent Bonnu. The city of Victoria, where is located the lone oil refinery of Cameroon, is one of the two coastal towns of Anglophone Cameroon with seaports and whose development was abandoned by the majority French-speaking government in Yaoundé, immediately after unification. Besides Elect Sports Football Club, Victoria or Limbe, has another Football Club, perhaps much more popular than the former. She is called Victoria United aka one people one power (opopo).

Both football clubs reflect the political divide and acrimony that the unification of Anglophone Cameroon with French-speaking Republic of Cameroon has caused and left on minds and amongst Anglophone Cameroonians from the former British protectorate of Southern Cameroon’s within the city of Victoria. It is rumoured that, while Victoria United FC was created by those who wanted the independence of former British administered Southern Cameroon’s, but some of whom, were also for integration with Nigeria, the founders of Elect Sports Football Club seem to be people who supported unification. Those details mentioned, it is important to recall that, it was Mr Quang’s activism, especially in sport, when he succeeded to take over the chairmanship of Elect Sports Football Club of Victoria (Limbe) from Mr Innocent Bonnu, a rich and popular lawyer, but who was suspected to be a supporter of the opposition SDF, that he (Quang), became visible on the radar of the government and ruling party stalwarts in Yaoundé. Before then, he was one of the many local champions in the South West province, in search for national recognition.

Anglophone Cameroon's unity façade

In a simplistic manner, it is often claim that, the people of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the North West province, have enjoyed a special love and preferential affair with the majority and governing French-speaking government in Yaoundé. But in reality, those who benefited from the erstwhile or the claimed special rapport that existed between elites of the North West province and elites of the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians in Yaoundé, were principally North West elites, who originated from the same region and towns within Mezam division and from Bamenda city in particular. The others, who benefited from the erstwhile treaty, that linked the majority French-speaking central government in Yaoundé with Anglophone elites of the nationality or region earlier mentioned, were a special highly enterprising nation/tribe of the North West province called the Mettas. The Mettas succeeding in being part of the decried latter mentioned syndicate, courtesy their formidable greater Widikum mafia, which has given birth to sub mafia clans such as the Batibo & Bafochu Mafias. Anglophone Cameroon has a unity façade, which is the envy of French-speaking Cameroonians.
But under that feel-good and united-we-stand, propaganda, that some Anglophone nationalists like to extol, there is a visceral dichotomy, pitting Anglophones elites from the North or North West province, against Anglophones from the south, known today as the South west province.

But beyond those dichotomies, whose roots are old and has which been exacerbated by the outcome of the 1961 unification treaty, there is an intra North West dichotomy and also an intra South west dichotomy. The latter has been superficially treated above, but the former’s own cause and problems it has orchestrated, has not been treated or mentioned in detail hereon. It is therefore necessary to mention hereon that, the North West province, have it own set of dichotomies. It is crystallised by the conflicts that pit elites from a part of the North West province known as far North West, against those of Momo and Mezam divisions, who seem to have benefited overwhelmingly, from political appointments, since 1961. But as the rapport between elites of the North west province and elites of the governing majority French-speakers in Yaoundé was deteriorating, because the former became the leaders of pro-democracy movements and political parties in the county, elites of the South of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South West province stood ready on the sidelines to benefit from the spoil of war of the former friends.

Is Biya's rule a continuation of that late Ahmadou Ahidjo

It is often claim that, Biya’s rule is the continuation of that of his predecessor, late Ahmadou Ahidjo. While it is not entirely wrong, I am nevertheless of the opinion that, the 90s were the years, when Paul Biya, took a distant from his predecessor and began stamping his own rule or ideology in Cameroon. Hence, by nominating Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister in 1996, and this, to replace Mr Simon Achidi Achu MP, who was holding the post since April 1992, and who was/is a native of the north of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as North west province, Paul Biya did not only put an end to his predecessor’s Anglophone Cameroon politics, he also heralded the genesis of his as own independent political policies, which as already mentioned, started in the 90s. Therefore, in my humble opinion, it was only after Paul Biya survived the social and political upheavals of the 90s, which rocked the foundation of the country, that, he began to lay the ground works of his political policies, which was to be fundamentally different from those of his predecessor. Paul Biya’s change of policy, especially in the way the governing majority French-speaking Cameroonians, dealt with Anglophone Cameroonians, was appreciated in the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, otherwise known as the South west province and this by some of her elites.

Ironically, the change or cosmetic change of Anglophone policy, which was in reality design to divide the unity of Anglophone Cameroonians, did not change the frustration and mistrust that, Anglophones from the South west province, the same as their kith and kin from the north or North West province, harboured or still harbours toward the central government in Yaoundé, which is predominantly French-speaking. The appointment of Mr Musonge as Prime minister as already started was pleasant to some elites of the South west province, but it also sparked a simmering intra coastal Anglophone or South West provincial rivalries. For some elites from power broking centres of the South west province, such as Mamfe, Victoria, Kumba, Mundemba and Mienji, frowned at the fact that, whenever there was any prestigious post earmarked to elites from their region or province, the chosen persons are/were almost always from Buea. The disappointment with the appointment of Peter Mafany Musonge as prime minister, from a section of the elites of the South west province, stems from the fact that, prior to Musonge’s nomination, there were already two elites of the South west province, who were warming up on sidelines, waiting to exploit the spoils of the announced end of the love rapport, that bounded the French-speaking dominated central government in Yaoundé with elites of the North West province.

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon and Brief bio of Peter Mafany Musonge

Unwritten laws and rules of Cameroon

The last unwritten law or rule in Cameroon, and which has since been broken, is that which states that, English-speaking Cameroonians from the south or coastal part of the Anglophone region, which is currently known as the South west province, are/ were barred since the unification of October 1st 1961, to head prestigious posts, designated to English-speaking Cameroonians. Those roles or posts left to English-speaking Cameroonians, which are largely ceremonial, were almost always given to English-speaking Cameroonians from the north of the Anglophone region, otherwise known as the North West province. It may explain why, since the unification, the ceremonial positions of vice president, speakers of parliament and prime ministers, when they are English-speaking Cameroonians, were all natives/nationals from the north of the Anglophone region of Cameroon, otherwise known as North West province. Why were North westerners given preferential treatment by the governing Francophone central government in Yaoundé? It is rumoured that, late El Hadj Amadou Ahidjo, the first president of independent French-speaking Republic of Cameroon and first president of the unified Federal Republic of Cameroon, wanted to punish the people of the south or coastal region of Anglophone Cameroon, known today as the South West. Why? Simply because, the late right honourable EML Endeley MP, former prime minister of British administered Southern Cameroon’s campaigned vigorously against unification with French-speaking Cameroon in the plebiscite of February 1961. The final out come of the 1961 plebiscite set the platform for the October 1961 unification. What is not known is how late Ahidjo would have reacted if as it turnout in the 90s, the Anglophone region of the North West that he preferred became lighting-rod of all those opposed to his regime and the present configuration of the country.

Peter Mafany Musonge

But Paul Biya, the predecessor of late Ahidjo decided in 1996 to stop the appointment of elites of the North of Anglophone Cameroon otherwise known as the North West province to honorary but all the same prestigious position of Prime minister in Cameroon. Hence, he appointed Peter Mafany Musonge as Prime minister. Who is Peter Mafany Musonge? He was born on the 3rd of December 1942 in Buea. Before his appointment as Prime Minister in September 1996, he had held the following post of responsibilities: from 1973-76 he was deputy director at the Ministry of Housing and Public Works, from 1980-84, he was Director General of Laboratoire national de genie civil (Labogenie), from 1984-87, he was Director General of the Parc National du Materiel de genie Civil (Matgenie) and from 1988-96, he was Director General of Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). He became a card holding member of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in September 1996 and member of the central committee (decision making body) of the same party in October 1996. Mr Musonge attended his primary and secondary education in Buea and furthered his schooling in the United States. In the United Sates he attended Drexel Institute of Technology in Philadelphia and Stanford University in California. From both institutions, he graduated respectively with a Bachelor of Science degree in civil Engineering and a Masters of Science degree in structural Engineering .